The NO Force Campaign: Evidence on the Draft Mental Health Bill for the Joint Committee
The No Force Campaign was set up to provide a direct service user voice to express concerns about the Draft Mental Health Bill, without there being any conflicts of interest. All of our members have severe mental health problems, and are committed to ensuring, that our voices are heard, concerning the Draft Mental Health Bill. We believe that through our experiences of severe mental illness as well as mental health services, and being at the receiving end of mental health law, that our expertise, opinions and views should be recognised as being critically important, in helping to guide and direct, the development of mental health legislation fit for the 21st Century. To uphold our principle of providing a direct service user voice, and to respect the work we have done to provide you with our concerns about the Draft Mental Health Bill, we hope that you will read our evidence diligently, with reason and compassion, and provide us with the opportunity, to express the most important of our
concerns, to you orally.
SUMMARY OF MAIN CONCERNS
1.1 A statement of principles should be put on the face of the Bill and should include protection of life, mental health and dignity, equality and respect, informal treatment wherever possible, non-discrimination, respect for diversity, care and treatment determined by the patient, least restrictive alternative, personal autonomy, reciprocity, patient participation and consensual care.
1.2 We believe that principles could not be upheld with a Bill that is so unbalanced in terms of favouring minimising risk with more compulsion, and disregards the protection and enhancement of basic human rights, and cannot offer adequate holistic mental health services to enable statutory enforceable care plans to meet the `real' needs of people with mental health problems. Our main concerns include the following:
· When a person is under compulsion and can be treated, without their consent whilst having capacity. We want a capacity test introduced.
· When compulsion in the community has been introduced through
treatment orders
· By a person not being entitled to the protection afforded by the Mental Capacity Bill, particularly by being able to determine their own care and treatment, when having capacity, and by being able to produce a legally enforceable Advance Directive/ Statement
· By the NHS not identifying people who are poor metabolisers of drugs, through gene testing, and therefore putting them at a serious risk of harm due to medical drug interventions
· By enabling legally enforceable care plans, to be authorised, without ensuring a diverse range of holistic care and treatment options to be available to meet the `real' needs of people with severe mental health problems (see below).
2.1 The definition of `Mental Disorder' is too broad and ambiguous.
2.2 The conditions for compulsion are not sufficiently stringent.
2.3 We are strongly against the introduction of community treatment orders.
2.4 We strongly believe that any conditions for compulsion must include testing for capacity and provide therapeutic benefit.
3.1 There can be no balance when the Bill is so unnecessarily biased towards compulsion because of an un-realistic perception of violence.
3.2 No the Bill goes nowhere near enhancing and protecting our human rights.
3.3 We believe that the definition of mental disorder and the consequent conditions for compulsion are unnecessarily wide-ranging, and with the introduction of compulsory treatment in the community, no provision for capacity testing, no joined up thinking between the Draft Mental Health Bill and the Mental Capacity Bill, no opportunity for gene testing for `poor metaboliser' status, and lack of resources for implementation of therapeutic Care Plans, we see that the currently drafted mental health bill fails, quite dramatically, to achieve a balance between individual rights and personal or public safety concerns.
4.1 We believe the introduction of non-residents and compulsion in the community to be unnecessary, unworkable, not efficient, nor clear.
4.2 Omissions include not including capacity testing so that patients, not including important consent to treatment powers and safeguards, not interfacing the Mental Health Bill and the Mental Capacity Bill, not including the concept of `treatability' and not including gene tests to determine `poor metaboliser' status.
5.1 No the Mental Health Bill should be re-drafted. We believe there will not be enough resources, within Mental Health Services, to implement the care plans, particularly with the increasing number of people, from the current level, that will come under compulsion, if the Draft Mental Health Bill is introduced.
6.1 No the safeguards against abuse are not adequate.
6.2 However we very much welcome independent Mental Health Advocacy.
7.1 No the balance is not right the principles should go on the face of the Bill and the determination of supervisor should be in the Bill and not the regulations.
8.1 No the Draft Mental Health Bill is not integrated with the Mental Capacity Bill as it does not refer to the Mental Capacity Bill or to common law powers.
9.1 No the Draft Mental Health Bill is not in full compliance with the Human Rights Act, see above, and it must meet the requirements both of Human Rights legislation and the recommendations of the Council of Europe.
10.1 We believe that implementation of the Mental Health Bill, as it stands, would bring mental health service provision down onto its knees, in particular due to increases, that will be seen, in the number of people under compulsion, and the inability of the system to implement the care plans, which are additionally, not backed by adequate mental health services and resources.
10.2 Lack of resources will prevent what we believe to be mandatory, for the recovery of people with severe mental illnesses, and that is a mental health service provision shift, away from medical model dominance, towards a more balanced holistic model.
1. Is the Draft Mental Health Bill rooted in a set of unambiguous basic principles? Are these principles appropriate and desirable?
1.1 No, the Government has not rooted the Draft Mental Health Bill in a set of unambiguous basic principles. We believe that the Government, in targeting people who may be a danger to the public, but do not have a conventional mental illness diagnosis, and who have not committed a crime, have produced legislation biased towards legislating for risk, and have therefore focused on compulsion to an unacceptable degree, and without appropriate safeguards to protect individual liberties. We know that the Government needs to re- evaluate the balance between the three fundamental elements of mental health legislation, which includes the provision of mental health services, strict criteria on compulsion and protection and enhancement of human rights. Any principles underpinning the Mental Health Bill are distorted by this unbalanced mental health legislation and will become even less apparent when putting the law
into practice.
1.2 We believe that the scope and purpose of the mental health bill should be defined as far as is possible through a statement of principles on the face of the Bill. These principles should include protection of life, mental health and dignity, equality and respect, informal treatment wherever possible, non-discrimination, respect for diversity, care and treatment determined by the patient, least
restrictive alternative, personal autonomy, reciprocity, patient participation and consensual care.
1.3 We consider that it is unacceptable for the Bill to allow that principles will have no universal application, but will be conditional in that they can be disapplied, wherever `inappropriate' or impractical'; and will be excluded from applying to functions of the Secretary of State, in making certain regulations or directions.
1.4 We cannot see how the government can uphold any principles and values with integrity, towards individuals with mental health problems, within the mental health system and the public arena, particularly concerning stigma and discrimination, when the mental health legislation itself is un-balanced in favour of minimising risk with more compulsion, and disregards the protection and enhancement of basic human rights, and cannot offer adequate holistic mental
health services to enable statutory enforceable care plans to meet the `real' needs of people with mental health problems. Our main concerns include the following:
· When a person is under compulsion and can be treated, without their consent whilst having capacity
· When compulsion in the community has been introduced through treatment orders
· By a person not being entitled to the protection afforded by the Mental Capacity Bill, particularly by being able to determine their own care and treatment, when having capacity, and by being able to produce a legally enforceable Advance Directive/ Statement
· By the NHS not identifying people who are poor metabolisers of drugs, through gene testing, and therefore putting them at a serious risk of harm due to medical drug interventions
· By enabling legally enforceable care plans, to be authorised, without ensuring a diverse range of holistic care and treatment options to be available to meet the `real' needs of people with severe mental health problems (see below).
2. Is the definition of Mental Disorder appropriate and unambiguous?
Are the conditions for treatment and care under compulsion sufficiently stringent? Are the provisions for assessment and treatment in the Community adequate and sufficient?
2.1 No the definition of `Mental Disorder' is too broad and ambiguous. The Bill does not provide that no one may be dealt with as mentally disordered by reason only of promiscuity, immoral conduct, sexual deviancy or dependence on alcohol or drugs. The definition of `medical treatment' is too broad, which includes education, and work and social skills training. The definition of `hospital' is too broad which includes a private house converted to provide training for people perhaps with a personality disorder, who are drug
dependent, in work and social skills. The combination of the above allows conventional social intervention to be classed as `medical treatments' for mental disorder. We do not find it difficult to envisage the inappropriate use, however well meant, of mental health legislation for non-medical purposes of social control.
2.2 No, the conditions for compulsion are not sufficiently stringent. We are firmly against compulsion in the community and argue very strongly that if a person satisfies all the conditions for compulsion, which includes that they may be at risk to themselves or someone else, then they should be in a safe hospital setting, where they can have 24 hour monitoring, treatment and care. If they are not at risk to themselves or someone else, they should not be under any compulsory mental health legislation. We know, that if compulsion in the community remains in the bill, then many people with mental health problems will be at an increased risk of suicide, and many will succeed because of the lack of mental health service provision in the community. Furthermore, the introduction of compulsion in the community will also increase the number of people becoming subject to compulsory treatment; will increase the risk of people being harmed by psychotropic drugs, as there will be minimal monitoring of users in their own homes; will increase the risk of people, who are "poor
metabolisers" of psychotropic drugs, to severe adverse effects, toxicity and death, as it will be impossible for them to decide to reduce or withdraw from their medication, (1 in 10 white Caucasians are born without the enzymes to breakdown medical drugs. 1 in 15 admissions to general hospitals are due to patients suffering from severe adverse events related to the drugs they are taking. Hospital deaths due to medical drugs are much higher in psychiatric hospitals due to patients not being able to stop their psychotropic medication
and the government, DOH, the NHS and the Medicines and Healthcare
products Regulatory Agency do not recognise these facts); will drive people away from seeking mental health services when they need it the most; will also lead to increased discrimination and stigma in the community and will effectively destroy the therapeutic relationship between the patient and the professional, which is understood to be crucial for recovery.
2.3 No, we firmly believe that any conditions for treatment and careunder compulsion, must include a provision for capacity testing, so that if a person satisfies the conditions for compulsion, and they have capacity, then they have a right to determine what care and treatment they should receive, and any offered, must be with the full understanding and consent of the patient. We strongly believe that people with mental health problems should have the same rights as people with physical problems in being able to choose their own care
and treatment, as far as is possible. The following is an example to show the huge disparity between the rights of people, with physical problems and mental health problems, to determine their own healthcare needs; a person is under a section in a hospital or at home, they have capacity, and they have leukaemia, they have the right to refuse chemotherapy, even though they will most probably die from the illness over the next few months. However the same person, with capacity, and a mental illness diagnosis, cannot refuse, or even
change, the psychotropic drugs, even if it is against their wishes, and even though their life is not in any danger.
2.4 There is no requirement for patients classed under the mental illness or severe mental impairment categories that such intervention will provide any therapeutic benefit, therefore such patients may therefore be initially detained solely for their protection or for the protection of others. We believe that in taking out `treatability' from the conditions, then the Bill becomes open, to being used as a means for social control, instead of solely for the treatment and care of people with mental health problems.
2.5 We also have grave concerns about many other conditions for compulsion within the bill and believe them to be constitutionally inappropriate which includes: that a doctor may detain someone s/he believes requires assessment in the community; that who is authorised to detain an informal patient is not defined and left to regulations; that a single doctor may authorize a citizen's compulsory admission and detention if the approved mental health professional accompanying her/him is not also of the opinion that detention is appropriate or
that there is any urgent necessity for this; to use mental health legislation to allow constables to remove citizens, who are drug or alcohol dependent from their homes, without any need for a warrant; that the conditions for compulsion must be understood in the context of the very broad definitions of `mental disorder' and `medical treatment' referred to above; that the meaning of the word `lawfully' in Clause 9(5) needs to be clarified as does it mean or is it intended to mean that the person cannot be `sectioned' if s/he consents to informal treatment, or does it mean that an incapacitated person cannot be `sectioned' if s/he can be treated instead under the Mental Capacity Bill or the common law doctrine of necessity?; that provided a citizen meets the relevant conditions for compulsion, the Bill leaves to regulations the issue of whether s/he should be liable to be detained in a hospital; that the Bill provides that a citizen may be detained even though the medical evidence is evenly divided as
to the need for detention; that in certain circumstances the Bill authorises the detention of a citizen to be founded upon a single medical opinion, and this an opinion that may conflict with the determinations previously made by three practitioners; that the conditions which may be imposed on a non-resident patient are not properly specified and can be determined by regulations.
3. Does the draft bill achieve the right balance between protecting the personal and human rights of the mentally ill on one hand, and concerns for public and personal safety on the other?
3.1 No it does not (see 1 and 2 above). It is a myth and fabrication of the truth that people with severe mental health problems pose a very significant risk to the public in terms of being violent and dangerous. It is well known that the proportion of violence in society, attributable to mental illness, remains low and conversely the proportion of self-harm and suicide, attributable to mental
illness, is extremely high. Violence has much more to do with education, upbringing, alcohol and drugs than mental illness. The government in its haste to develop mental health law, which is based on the risk of violence by people with mental illnesses to the general public, have managed to create a Bill, which is seen by users of mental health services, as controlling and punitive, as opposed to enabling and therapeutic. The government would be wise to remember that 1 in 4 of the general public will experience mental illness at
some point in their lifetime, and we know, through our experiences of compulsion, that each person, within the general public, will then too experience the oppression, discrimination, stigma and the feelings of being completely out of control of; one's own life, mental health care and treatment options, as well as being at the mercy of an under-resourced mental health system, as we do.
Compulsion in hospital or coercion, in the community, is quite literally a shocking experience, with or without ECT, and it is known that this experience causes trauma in a high percentage of people with mental illnesses. Even the language of mental health treatment is punitive, such as a patient who has not fulfilled their compulsory obligations has "gone AWOL" or they are put into "isolation or seclusion" or they are "restrained" for enforced drug treatment. We need enabling, transparent and therapeutic services with a language, and care and treatment, based on healing and hope.
3.2 No we believe that the government has not come anywhere near enhancing and protecting our human rights, those of people with severe mental illnesses, particularly with the following critical issues. We know that over time the following litigations will occur against the government over breaches of our human rights particularly the following Articles in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights;
3.2.1 if the government does not put the principles, we have outlined, on the face of the Bill, so that they have to be enforced legally, then Article 1 (born free and equal with dignity and rights) and also, in particular, Article 7 (no discrimination on any grounds) will be breached, particularly when a patient is subject to compulsion.
3.2.2 if the government does not remove the concept of the non- residential patient, and compulsory treatment in the community, through treatment orders, then the government will face litigations concerning breaches of Article 3 (the right to life, liberty and security of person). We believe that a person must be at risk of harming them self, or someone else, to satisfy the conditions of compulsion, and should therefore, be in a safe environment in hospital, and if the person does not satisfy these conditions then they should not be subject to any compulsion. Also if a person harms themselves or commits suicide whilst under compulsion in the community then we believe there will be a justified case for litigation; Article 5, (no one shall be subjected to torture or to
cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment). It is common knowledge that a significant proportion of patients have severe adverse reactions and toxic events, which may result in death, to many of the psychotrophic drugs. The risk of these events occurring and going unnoticed will be much higher, if the person is under compulsion in the community, as there will be minimal monitoring, due to lack of resources. When this occurs we believe that patients could litigate, particularly if the person is shown to be a `poor metaboliser' of medical drugs, through gene testing, which is not yet
available in the NHS (we are currently working on raising awareness of this important issue), also the quality of life of many people on psychotropic drugs, long term, is severely compromised by this treatment, and in many cases the person will not be able to recover, and lastly Article 12 (right to privacy, family, home or correspondence), where just the concept of compulsory treatment in
the community, and its unsubstantiated legal basis, in terms of people being able to meet all the conditions and then be "safe" at home, makes a mockery of any person's rights to privacy, when the Bill states that the "non resident" will have to take drugs and attend places for treatment, or be under threat of hospitalisation, and allow mental health professionals to access their property. Not just the person under compulsion will lose their privacy, but so will any members of their family and household, and the person will also be open to probable further discrimination, stigma and potential harassment from neighbours and the community. Again this is not mental health care and treatment, it is punitive, with the analogy being to that of criminals having to do community service, or being allowed home with a tag and monitoring device, and any breach means going to prison, when none of this is necessary.
3.2.3 If the government does not introduce capacity testing and therefore allowing a patient to be treated without their consent, whilst having full capacity to make their own decisions for their own care and treatment, then the following Articles will be breached; Articles 1, 2, 3, 5, 7, 18, 19 and 25 (Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1948). Significantly Article 5 (No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment)
will continue to be breached when a patient is a `poor metaboliser' of drugs, and will be harmed by the drug intervention, and not be able to refuse or even change the drug they are being administered. We want compulsory treatment of patients, without their consent, whilst having capacity, to be removed from the Mental Health Bill and want capacity testing introduced, to determine whether a person is capable of making relevant decisions, with regards to their treatment, when under mental health legislation. If compulsory treatment of patients, without their consent, whilst having capacity, remains in the current Mental Health Bill, the repercussions of this will continue to be phenomenal. More explicitly: it can prevent them from trying to heal themselves in different ways to the medical model; or can prevent them from trying a different drug that may be beneficial to them; and it will prevent any person with a severe
mental illness, and under a section, from benefiting from the Mental Capacity Bill, and in particular from being able to enforce an Advance Directive or have their treatment preferences in an Advance Statement even acknowledged. This section of mental health legislation makes a mockery of all that the government says it is trying to achieve, in terms of reducing stigma and discrimination,
through implementation of the NHS Plan, the National Service Framework for Mental Health and its more recent Social Inclusion Policy through the NIMHE.
3.2.4 If the government does not interface the Mental Health Bill with the Mental Capacity Bill appropriately then we believe that we will again lose fundamental rights, that people with or without mental capacity, should be entitled to (as stated above). We believe that we should have the statutory right to be able to make our own care and treatment decisions concerning our own recovery from mental health problems and to be able to produce Advance Directives, which
can specify what treatments that we do not want, and Advance Statements which can specify what treatments we would prefer to have, when subject to compulsion.
3.2.4 We believe that people who may be `poor metabolisers' of drugs should have a statutory right to a gene test, and if positive, be able to follow specialised treatment regimes that are therapeutic, rather then the conventional treatments regimes, that frequently result in severe adverse events, toxicity and death. The EC Convention on Human Rights and Biomedicine Article 4 on Professional standards states; that any intervention in the health field, including research, must be carried out in accordance with relevant professional obligations and standards. The government, despite being given evidence on `poor metabolisers' of medical drugs, has still failed to take this on board and urgently needs to raise awareness of this within the NHS. People, who will be shown to be `poor metabolisers' of drugs (all medical drugs including psychotropic drugs) are right now, going through unnecessary suffering and harm, and are not able to get therapeutic benefit from the drugs they are taking. We believe the Government is opening itself up to future litigations of negligence, by not introducing gene testing within the NHS, to determine who are poor metabolisers of drugs. This applies to all patients within the NHS and not just patients subject to compulsion (see above 2.2).
3.2.5 We firmly believe that the Government must provide a Mental Health Service, which has the capacity to provide for the population of people with severe mental health problems, and that it be mandatory, that these resources are holistic, and therefore relevant, and specific, to their `real' needs, so that they can get therapeutic benefit, from the care and treatment on offer, and be able to choose their own individual paths to recovery. Until such a time, we believe that Article 25 (everyone has a right to medical care, which of
course, must be healing) will continue to be breached, each time an individual has a Care Plan, which can be enforced legally, where drug treatment is the predominant, and in most cases the first line choice of treatment. We know that drug treatments alone do not "cure" people of mental illness, and many people including `poor metabolisers' of drugs may be harmed by any drug treatment, and that Mental Health Services are predominantly medical model based. People need to be able to access a holistic Mental Health Service, and be able to
choose and determine their own path of recovery from severe mental illness, which may or may not include drug treatment. If the Government does not develop and produce a mental health service provision shift, away from medical model dominance, towards more holistic models, the repercussions of this will continue to be phenomenal. More explicitly: the medical model of mental health
service provision will continue to dominate and this will continue to reduce peoples chances of recovery; people will not be able to recover fully, as at best the drugs can stabilise, but more commonly they repress recovery and cause debilitating side effects, which contributes to a very low quality of life; many people, particularly those who are poor metabolisers of drugs, will be at risk of an impoverished quality of life, toxic events and death; the population of people, with severe mental illnesses, in every locality, in the country, will continue to be made up of the same individuals, with more people joining them over time, as they are not being given the right resources to enable themselves to recover; and it will encourage, the already un-holy alliances that have been made between mental health professionals and pharmaceutical companies, that
threaten patient safety, with enforced drug interventions. At present, there are various litigations occurring against the large drug companies, and proof of falsified evidence from clinical trials, as well as huge abuses concerning conflicts of interests where, some psychiatrists and general practitioners are being asked to validate incomplete clinical research data, being "wined and dined" at conferences, even overseas and are being given sponsorship money, by drug company representatives. Drug companies are aware of the existence of `poor metabolisers' too and have withheld this information from the public arena. This makes a mockery of the Hippocratic Oath and the validity of psychotropic drugs being used to treat mental illnesses and puts people's health and lives in danger.
3.3 We believe that the definition of mental disorder and the consequent conditions for compulsion are unnecessarily wide-ranging, and with the introduction of compulsory treatment in the community, no provision for capacity testing, no joined up thinking between the Draft Mental Health Bill and the Mental Capacity Bill, no opportunity for gene testing for `poor metaboliser' status, and lack of resources for implementation of therapeutic Care Plans, we see that the currently drafted mental health bill fails, quite dramatically, to
achieve a balance between individual rights and personal or public safety concerns.
4. Are the proposals contained in the Draft Mental Health Bill necessary, workable, efficient, and clear? Are there any important omissions in the Bill?
4.1 We believe the introduction of non-residents and compulsion in the community to be unnecessary, unworkable, not efficient, nor clear.
4.2 Clinical supervisors must be qualified to assess if a person meets the conditions for compulsion in order to be able to keep under review if the conditions continue to be met. It is totally inappropriate that determination of clinical supervisor status be qualified in the regulations.
4.3 Compulsion should only be possible, other than in an emergency, if two doctors certify that the patient suffers from a mental disorder, satisfying the conditions.
Omissions
4.4 Not including capacity testing so that patients, who have capacity, can determine their own care and treatment regimes for their own, self determined recovery (could we ever envisage compulsory homeopathic treatment for example?)
4.5 Not including important consent to treatment powers and safeguards; such as abolition to consent to medication, removal of emergency treatment safeguards regarding psychiatric medication and allowing tribunal authorisation of `generic' care plans in the absence of consent.
4.6 Not interfacing the Mental Health Bill and the Mental Capacity Bill and in particular so that people can produce Advance Directives/ Statements.
4.6 Not including the concept of `treatability', or care and treatment being of benefit to the patient. We believe that all mental health care and treatment must be of therapeutic benefit for the patient and this should be reflected in conditions within the Draft Mental Health Bill.
4.7 Not enabling people to have a gene test to determine `poor metaboliser' status.
5. Is the proposed institutional framework appropriate and sufficient for the enforcement of measures contained in the draft bill?
5.1 No the Mental Health Bill should be re-drafted.
5.2 No it is totally inappropriate that any person can request for any one else to be examined and assessed.
5.3 No there will not be enough resources, within Mental Health Services, to implement the care plans, particularly with the increasing number of people, from the current level, that will come under compulsion, if the Draft Mental Health Bill is introduced.
5.4 There are not enough Mental Health Professionals in the workforce, nor services, to implement the measures contained in the Bill.
6. Are the safeguards against abuse adequate? Are the safeguards in respect of particularly vulnerable groups, for example children, sufficient? Are there enough safeguards against misuse of aggressive procedures such as ECT and psychosurgery?
6.1 No the safeguards against abuse are not adequate.
6.2 However, we welcome the right to independent advocacy and believe this to be an important advance in ensuring that our voice is heard and our rights protected. However we believe that independent advocacy is under-funded, and that more money will have to be directed towards advocacy posts, in order to ensure that all people with severe mental health problems, including in the community, can access a mental health advocate when needed.
6.3 We welcome, with some reservations, as mentioned above, the role and responsibility of the Mental Health Tribunal.
6.4 No it is totally inappropriate that any person can request for any one else to be examined and assessed. This will lead to abuses and further stigma and discrimination of people with mental health problems.
6.5 The Bill abolishes the existing right of patients to an independent, binding, second-opinion concerning the appropriateness of the medication they are forced to take.
6.6 The broad definition of what constitutes a hospital leads to a correspondingly broad list of places where citizens may be held down and given medication by force.
6.7 It will be too easy in practice for consultants to by-pass the protective scheme set out for ECT.
6.8 There should be gene testing of people who may be `poor metabolisers of psychotropic drugs and before they are given any further psychotropic drugs. These are people that appear to be very sensitive to drugs, and suffer from severe and adverse effects, and toxicity, and who will have inherited drug breakdown enzymes, which do not work. Failure to do this will result in professional malpractice in terms of a medical drug intervention causing a
patient's condition to deteriorate, causing acute pain and suffering and even death.
6.9 Many safeguards against the poor or inappropriate use of compulsion have been abolished as mentioned above. In addition the Bill: revokes the powers of a patient's nearest relative; provides that the guidance in the Code of Practice may be qualified; abolishes the statutory duty to provide long-term after-care; revokes the discharge powers of NHS bodies and local authorities; may endanger professional independence; does not provide for an independent,
standalone, Mental Health Commission.
6.10 Tribunals should continue to have a discretionary power to discharge people from compulsion. The Bill should provide that a tribunal must release a citizen from detention unless it is satisfied that clear grounds, which Parliament has determined, justify depriving a citizen of her/his liberty are met. It is a matter of concern that a tribunal may authorise a person's further detention
for up to eight weeks when it has just determined that s/he does not satisfy the relevant conditions for compulsion.
6.10 A patient's spouse or partner should retain their existing power to object reasonably to admission to hospital.
6.11 It should be clear from the legislation, that a care plan presented to a Tribunal would include the statement, that identified treatments will only be given with the patient's consent (subject to an emergency treatment clause).
6.12 Mental Health Practitioners, that are co-ordinating the care and treatment of patients, should not be to put into the role of `policing' community treatment orders, nor be involved in any part of the assessment and sectioning process, as this will destroy any therapeutic relationship with their client.
6.13 People with mental health problems are fully aware that the Government, in the Draft Mental Health Bill, has given far more, and far reaching, and unnecessary, powers to groups of mental health professionals, then ever before, and rather than enhancing and protecting our rights, they have even removed some. This is totally unethical.
7. Is the balance struck between what has been included on the face of the draft bill, and what goes into Regulations and the Code of Practices right?
7.1 No the balance is not right and some of these issues have been covered already above.
7.2 The principles should go onto the face of the bill
7.3 Some important regulations, like who has the power to assess and compel a person to compulsory treatment, should be specified in the face of the Bill.
8. Is the Draft Mental Health Bill adequately integrated with the Mental Capacity Bill (as introduced in the House of Commons on 17 July 2004)?
8.1 No as the Bill does not refer to the Mental Capacity Bill or to common law powers.
8.2 Users of mental health services believe they too have a fundamental right to be able to benefit from the new Mental Capacity Bill, in terms of being able to produce Advance Directives/ Statements. As it stands at the moment, the Mental Health Bill will trump the Mental Capacity Bill and bar any user of mental health services, who is under compulsion, from being able to utilize key parts of the new legislation. This would be a travesty.
8.3 The rights, and safeguards, should be the same for people under the Mental Capacity and the Mental Health Bills.
9. Is the Draft Mental Health Bill in full compliance with the Human
Rights Act?
9.1 No the Draft Mental Health Bill is not in full compliance with the Human Rights Act and the issues have been covered already, above.
9.2 The Mental Health Act for England and Wales must meet the requirements both of Human Rights legislation and the recommendations of the Council of Europe.
10. What are likely to be the human and financial resource implications of the draft bill? What will be the effect on the roles of professionals? Has the Government analysed the effects of the Bill adequately, and will sufficient resources be available to cover any costs arising from implementation of the Bill?
10.1 We believe the human and financial resource implications of the draft bill will be much higher than the Government and society can afford.
10.2 We believe that implementation of the Mental Health Bill, as it stands, would bring mental health service provision down onto its knees, in particular due to increases, that will be seen, in the number of people under compulsion, and the inability of the system to implement the care plans, which are additionally, not backed by adequate mental health services and resources.
10.3 We believe community treatment orders should never become a part
of mental health law and that the money saved would be better invested, in developing a Mental Health Services that is fit for the 21st Century.
10.4 The Bill will take much needed money away from developing therapeutic mental health services and will result in more people remaining and becoming severely mentally ill. Lack of resources will prevent what we believe to be mandatory, for the recovery of people with severe mental illnesses, and that is a mental health service provision shift, away from medical model dominance, towards a more balanced holistic model. Holistic mental health resources need to be available throughout the NHS, within primary and secondary care, and
most importantly within the community as well as in the hospitals. This would vastly reduce the burden of suffering and the financial cost to society, as the service would enable prevention, reduce re- admissions, and promote long term recovery. Mental Health problems are caused by genetic pre-disposition as well as stress. Stress from the mind will affect brain biochemistry, which in turn will affect the mind. Stress can be caused externally, for example, difficulties
related to money, homelessness, work and relationships. Stress can also be generated within the mind, due to adverse life experiences, causing conflicts, confusion and traumas. To become mentally well these stressors need to be minimised through practical support for environmental stresses, talking therapies for internal stresses and a combination of treatments such as medical drugs, homeopathy, nutrition and massage, for overall mind and body healing, as well as well as enabling (not controlling) care and support structures, to
promote self confidence, self esteem, to enable nurturing relationships to be developed and to facilitate meaningful occupation. It is mandatory that a person is given all the tools to enable their recovery such as being able to understand mental illness, the effects of stress and coping strategies and being able
to choose a holistic treatment that supports their own individual needs, of which drug treatment, may or may not be, one of them.
10.5 Further research is required to assess the realistic likely impact of the proposals, on people who use the service, in terms of therapeutic benefit, and the workforce, in relation to numbers, recruitment, morale and to the types of services available. However it would be more prudent to carry out this research from a set of proposals, whose starting point, is one that keeps compulsion to a
minimum, that protects and enhances human rights and provides for a holistic mental health service, which is delivered in an ethical manner.
No Force Campaign – Evidence on Draft Mental Health Bill for Joint
Committee - Oct 2004